Cameroon's ambassador to the United States, Joseph Bienvenue Charles Foe-Atangana has set a new international standard for unruly behavior and misconduct by assaulting protesters calling for transparency and accountability in the financial-scandal-plagued embassy. The ambassador's abrasive behavior and barbaric actions are putting on center stage - for the doubting Thomases out there - an iceberg of the jarring actions that have long been the outcry of pro-democracy advocates and protesters regarding the battered record of the government of Cameroon as a bastion of embezzlement and corruption. Setting aside the flagrant disregard for the inalienable rights and freedoms of the protestors, the ambassador's shameful behavior speaks volumes about his misreading and misunderstanding of his environment . It is not only beneath his office to be embroiled in such recklessness that could endanger his body; the fact that he despised the responsibility of his security detail probably pales in comparison to the fact that he showed disdain for the American Intelligence service that could have taken care of the matter if the Ambassador had alerted them of  any unruliness on the premises of the embassy.

Which ever way one posits in viewing the ambassador's street brawling exercise, it is not unreasonable to infer that the diplomat's conduct is a direct mirror-to-mirror representation of the Cameroon government's best practice in dealing with political dissent- violent crackdown. With such jaw-dropping evidence, defense counsel would simply "rest its case" because the ambassador's action corroborates a two-decade long human rights abuse history chronicled by the U.S. Department of State, Amnesty International, Article 19 and all other civil society organizations that remind the Cameroon government to honor international civil and human rights of its own nationals.

An even bigger picture of the "boxing ambassador" matter is the need to reassess Cameroon's diplomatic policies crafted within the cold war context into an era of economic diplomacy and technology transfer. An underlying concern in reformulating a new foreign policy is examining objective criteria in selecting career diplomats with judicious temperament or compensating political appointees to specifically promote trade and investment overseas.
There is also a deep need to see - just underlying the "ambassador-boxer" reputation - the disrepair of the chancery, allegations of diplomats embezzling nearly U.S. $ 2million, the confiscation of passports and application fees, etc appear to be systemic. Even more intriguing is the fact that non of these perpetrators have been recalled for consultation, although a source at the Prime Ministry is hinting that an investigation into the matter is underway. What decision makers in Cameroon are quibbling over, while their beleaguered image churns in further rot, is to not give the "opposition" a victory over the firing of the Ambassador.

It is also noteworthy that the US State Department has not yet declared any Cameroon embassy diplomat "persona non-grata!"
In the meantime, even as the ambassador's violent actions are currently being investigated by U.S. Secret Service agents and detectives from the District of Columbia Prosecutor's office, there is unanimity among international law experts that no criminal charges will be filed against the diplomat since he is expected to raise the defense of immunity successfully!

Africa’s economic growth and poverty reduction are closely linked with the quality of its infrastructure – its power, transport systems, water supply and sanitation, and its ICT networks.  In the current economic climate, finding the financial resources for Africa’s huge infrastructure needs is an enormous challenge. But without those resources, African governments will find it very difficult to catch up with other regions of the world. The continent’s institutions and international partners must work together to overcome this challenge – and quickly.

When I think about infrastructure in Africa, I am both encouraged and concerned. The percentage of African people living within the range of mobile phone service rose from 5 percent in 1999 to 57 percent in 2006. More than 100 million plus Africans became mobile phone subscribers in the same period. Around 80 percent of Africa’s main road network is in good or fair condition. Yet, I think about all the women and children in Africa who walk over 2 kilometers to their primary water supply. Thirty African countries experience chronic power outages and around 560 million people in Sub-Saharan Africa lack access to modern energy. Because only one in four Africans has access to electricity, I think about the children who are forced to study by candlelight or the hospitals that can’t refrigerate medicines properly.

Investments in infrastructure are now more important than ever. They can help stimulate the economy, remove bottlenecks to long-term growth, and create jobs. Better infrastructure could increase productivity of business by as much as 40%.  In the last decade the telecommunication revolution contributed to half of Africa's improved growth performance; however, during the same period, deficiencies in power infrastructure impeded growth dramatically.

A new study about infrastructure in Africa has just been published and I hope it spurs the investment Africa needs.  Africa’s Infrastructure – a Time for Transformation provides policy-makers, investors, think-tanks, academia and civil society with a wealth of new information and analysis about the state of infrastructure and finances around the continent. The study is the flagship of the Africa Infrastructure Country Diagnostic (AICD), an initiative that is the result of a partnership between the African Union Commission, the African Development Bank, the Development Bank of Southern Africa, the Infrastructure Consortium for Africa, the New Partnership for Africa’s Development and the World Bank.

The study finds that to play catch-up on infrastructure with other parts of the world, meet the Millennium Development Goals, and achieve national development targets in Africa within 10 years, an annual investment of US$93 billion is required. This is equivalent to 15% of the continent’s GDP, twice the investment estimated by the Commission for Africa’s report in 2005, and is comparable to what China invested in infrastructure in the last decade. Of this $93 billion, two-thirds is required to build new infrastructure and rehabilitate infrastructure that is in disrepair and one-third is needed for operations and maintenance of existing facilities.

The good news is that Africa already spends $45 billion a year or almost half the required amount on infrastructure.  Surprisingly, an impressive two-thirds of this spending is domestically funded by the public sector and African taxpayers; one-third comes from donors and overseas investors.

Africa could generate an additional $17 billion from existing resources through improving various aspects of efficiency, such as better maintenance of infrastructure assets, improved budgetary procedures, closer regional integration, faster institutional reform, better management of utility networks and greater cost recovery.  Raising more funds without tackling inefficiencies would be like pouring water into a leaking bucket.

When potential efficiency gains are taken into account, the funding gap that remains is about $31 billion a year. However, even after all efficiency gains are realized, a substantial funding gap of US$ 31 billion will remain, particularly for power infrastructure and fragile states. This is where I hope African institutions and international organizations and investors can come together.

Let’s make addressing the $17 billion efficiency gap a pressing policy priority for African governments and utility operators.  Africa’s people cannot wait.  The time for action is now.

Obiageli Ezekwesili is the World Bank’s Vice-President for the Africa Region. The full report is available at www.infrastructureafrica.org